Concrete Achievements

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  • Where is the anti-Authoritarian Stack?

    This dynamic website shows the different connections in what Francesca Bria calls the “Authoritarian Stack” – the connected network of ultra-rich, corporations and politicians that is driving the international

    I am less concerned about the existence of this than I am about the absence of something on the anti-authoritarian/democratic side of the debate.

    There are a few funders and ultra-rich individuals who are funding organisations, there are organisations like Philea who are trying to connect up the different European foundations, and of course there are also European and national government funds for research.

    However, the picture on our side of the divide seems far more disconnected, far more hesitant, and reluctant to put private egos and interests aside to defend the very foundations of our democratic system.

    It looks, in fact, a lot like the division of mainstream parties trying to face up to the populist right.

    The lessons of success against the populists in politics are to keep the focus on living standards and not on culture wars; to reinforce norms around anti-racism and split the pro-business right from the far right; and to ensure that the foundations of the rule of law and fair elections are preserved.

    To this might be added the work on epistemic security that my own organisation is starting to do with the support of one of those pro-democracy funders, looking at policy and at hyperlocal levels.

    But much of this is done on tiny budgets, without the ability to invest in research, in network building, and in design. Unless we can start to build collective and collaborative work on anti-authoritarianism, and create the network of people at local level that can make the difference in one-to-one interactions.

    It’s unlikely that we can compete toe-to-toe with authoritarian billionaires. But we can recruit real people and work in real communities to stand up to their influence.

  • Time machine on slacker culture

    Fascinating to read this 1997 Time article on Slacker and Gen X culture, 29 years later (as a Gen X-er). Prompted by a colleague from Gen-Z complaining about stereotypes of her generation – and who was surprised to hear from me what the origins of Gen X were.

  • The Local Government Politics of Megalopolis

    The first thing to say about Megalopolis is that it is a mess of a film.

    It feels like it’s badly edited down from a seven hour original cut, and indeed it would work much better as a TV series where some of the world-building and plot lines could be built out rather than abandoned halfway through. But we’re not here for film criticism we’re here to talk about the local government policy.

    Megalopolis is roughly based on a hybrid of modern New York and ancient Rome, although the Catiline in this film is not the Catiline of Roman history, despite the extensive quoting of Cicero.

    Even so, it is much more modern than ancient, with a populist rabble-rouser, Clodio, who is very clearly meant to be Trump (and who ends up – spoilers – hanging upside down à la Mussolini).

    The striking thing about it from a city governance perspective is how unimaginative most of it is.

    In particular, the utopia that the Robert Moses-ish Cesar Catalina is trying to create looks like Midjourney has had a go on an Elon Musk tweet.

    In this bright new future, the transport mechanisms are either conveyor belts for individuals or things that look like bubble rolling along a road – magically flying off to different destinations.

    There is nothing appealing or collective about that cold and isolated vision of the world. It reminded me of Robert Moses’s view that public transport should be kept away from his state parks on Long Island in case it brought the wrong sort/colour of people.

    The film also takes a very mayoral and personalised view of leadership, more Roman Empire than Roman Republic.

    The mayor, as well as his rival, is seen only as a single monarchal leader. In reality, even imperial Rome in the early years had significant other power centres, and while Augustus may have been “first among equals” he was definitely – even if only for politeness’s sake – among equals.

    Also part of the Great Man theory of Megalopolis is Cesar Catalina, almost a John Galt figure in his icy certainty about his vision, and similarly treated by the film as unquestionably true.

    So don’t go to see Megalopolis for a vision of the future, either of Rome, Moses’ New York or the future of America. Although the present moment is one of infinitely arrogant rich men shouting about their unquestioned brilliance, that is driven by a grassroots, decentralised movement of individuals in a way that makes the faceless crowds of the film feel very old-fashioned.

    The film misses out on the most important parts of what future governance looks like – decentralisation, for good or ill. The TV-political binome in the film is gone. The single male leader is still with us, for now, but has to rely on more than traditional institutional structures. The idea that making the better argument on TV is now all there is to winning the votes.

    There are optimistic and pessimistic visions of the future, and we need to do our best to head down the positive path, but Megalopolis gives you a future that is very much of the past.

  • Sue Gray and Citizen Assemblies

    Before rejoicing that Labour is going all-in on citizen assemblies, it’s worth thinking about what was actually said in this morning’s Times (which I’ve now managed to read).

    First, the story itself (https://lnkd.in/esK-VCnf) is a write-up of comments made to Tom Baldwin, who is writing a book about Kier Starmer. This is at best a kite-flying exercise. Most of all, it’s an author wanting a juicy story to trail his book. I respect that need, but it’s not a policy commitment.

    Second, the content of what was said is underwhelming from a democratic innovation perspective. 

    To start with, it’s high level and focused on just one approach. Citizen assemblies are a tool not a solution – a hammer that works for knocking in a nail, but won’t help you mend your glasses. Democratic innovation will need lots of different tools that work together, at scale, over time, not single-run single-topic events. The work that we are doing at Democratic Society on climate change in cities is a good example of how complex and long-term decisions need to be taken. 

    What’s more, the citizen assembly hammer seems to be being waved to threaten civil servants and politicians – “Whitehall won’t like it”, which is the opposite of the point. If democratic reform is done well, for the right reasons, Whitehall should like it, because it will be a meaningful contribution to effective democratic governance. 

    If we instrumentalise tools like citizen assemblies either by presenting them as a universal solution to wicked obstructive politicians, or using them to break down institutional opposition, then the whole cause of democratic reform is set back. 

    And even then, a citizen assembly won’t reduce opposition to housebuilding if it is not part of a much wider and long-term democratic approach, in which councils have to be involved in shaping trade-offs and compromise. People opposed to a housing development are not going to be less opposed because a group they never met or voted for thought it was a good idea three years ago. 

    I don’t want to sound negative. Institutionalising more participation in government is essential if we are going to make up the gap that has been created by the falling-away of mass party membership and the rise of a more individualistic politics. I’m glad that the Labour Party are taking democratic innovation seriously, along with many other social democratic parties across Europe including my own. 

    But for those of us who care about democratic reform (and social democracy) our very commitment means that this is the time for scepticism. If reform is on the table, we have to make sure it’s done right, or we won’t get another chance.

    So, for this reason, let’s be cautious in the welcome. Let’s not mistake a tool for a solution. And let’s be wary of celebrating a semi-announcement that treats citizen assemblies as an institutional bludgeon not as part of structural democratic reform.

    (originally posted on LinkedIn)

  • Tram lines 20/2/24

    Josephine Quinn has a new book coming out on civilisation thinking and the “West”. I was already looking forward to it but this article in the FT (no paywall) has made me look forward to it even more.

    Not so much reading as admiring, a beautiful 1930s hand drawn map of Harlem nightlife during the Harlem Renaissance.

    There aren’t enough cross-language-divide political interviews in Belgian political life, so I enjoyed reading this long one with Jean-Luc Crucke (Les Engagés) in De Morgen.

  • Vijfhoek 2/2/24

    I did not know that this was in the Marolles … and I guess I can’t be blamed since it closed before the Second World War and since then has been a furniture store. [NL but with photos]

    Did you know that Brussels is a hub for Dutch language rap, and other music? I didn’t, but Bruzz told me all about it. [NL]

    The new exhibition Popcorn at MiMA in Molenbeek is a tonic on a gloomy day. 15 artists, mostly Bruxellois, with paintings and sculptures filled with bright colours and high tones. Open until May and free with a MuseumPass.

  • Tram Lines 18/1/24

    Railway lines and red lines as Jon Worth assesses the chance of new services through the Channel Tunnel to compete with Eurostar. Summary: don’t hold your breath.

    Bruno De Wever, the historian, is retiring and has a long interview in De Morgen. He reflects on family and politics, but it’s interesting that he sees both N-VA and his brother as being on the horns of dilemma as to whether to ally with the mainstream parties or with the far right at regional level after next year’s elections. He’s more hopeful than a lot of people are about the future of Belgium, while also saying that he wouldn’t shed a tear if it disappeared. [NL]

    The broadening of the idea of “Classics” to a wider view of ancient cultures and where we come from is a very good thing. Emily Wilson writes in Prospect about how AI and digital imaging are giving the Sumerians their chance to shine. 

    The Democracy Disruptor NextDoor. Long read about how the localised digital platform that promises more authenticity can help political bad actors. 

    Quelle doctrine pour les gauches européennes? Four people on the political (centre-)left discuss the future strategies available to progressive parties. [FR]

  • Tram lines 17/1/24

    This interview (Pointe) with ballet dancer and choreographer Brett Fukuda (declaration: partner of a colleague) gives interesting insight both into the creative process and the life of a ballet dancer.

    Just before Christmas, I missed a short new paper from two of the academic experts in the failed Parliamentary Commission on the Colonial Past. It is worth a read, not just to understand why after intensive work the Commission ultimately was wrecked on the issue of apology and reparation, but also for its discussion of what history means in this context.

    Research shows that under no circumstances should you “do your own research“. Not in itself surprising if you’ve ever talked to anyone who told you to do your own research.

  • Vijfhoek 14/1/24

    Good interview with Bas Devos, the director of the new film Here, set in the marshy north east corner of Brussels, where the urban region meets the platteland. [NL]

    Tom Moylan of Restless Brussels wants you (international resident of Brussels) to go and vote. And so do I.

    Knack covers the new plans for the Noordwijk/Quartier Nord. I’m largely positive about the idea of (re)creating a better mix of work, life and commerce – but the starting point of towers and broad boulevards is hard to change. [NL]

  • Radio-télévision Bruxelles 6/1/24

    🎬 Past Lives – the second recent Korean film with a migration story at its heart. Nora moves from Korea to North America aged 12, leaving behind a school sweetheart. 12 years later they find each other online. 24 years later, they meet again in New York. A beautiful film about migration and missed connections.

    🎧 The Theory of the Leisure Class – In Our Time looks at the work of Thorstein Veblen, who worked during the gilded age of the US.